Why expensive island economies need better market design, not just more rules
Small island economies are expensive for structural reasons. They are small, often remote and heavily reliant on imports. Land is scarce, supply chains are fragile. A small number of firms can dominate shipping, distribution, retail or housing. In places like these, regulation matters more than it does in larger economies, because it shapes who can enter a market, how quickly supply can respond and how much competition consumers can access.
That is why the debate is often framed the wrong way. The question is not whether overseas jurisdictions need more regulation or less. It is whether regulation makes markets work better. Done well, it can ease pressure on the cost of living. Done badly, it can protect incumbents, slow investment and make already expensive places harder to afford.
How does governance & policy autonomy compare?
| Type | British | French* | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Crown Depen. | Overseas Terr. | DROM | COM & NC | ||
| Jurisdiction Features | Number | 3 | 10 | 5 | 6 |
| Total population (k) | 250k | 272k | 2,200k | 630k | |
| Average population (k) | 85 | 27 | 440 | 105 | |
| Population Density | 330 | 19 | 25 | 68 | |
| GVA total = € | 17.2b | 15.7b | 73.8b | 15.0b | |
| Economic Sovereignty | GVA per-capita = € | 69.9k | 53.3k | 33.3k | 28.4k |
| Legislative indep. | ✓ | ✓ | ✗ | ✓ | |
| Fiscal indep. | ✓ | ✓ | ✗ | ✓ | |
| Monetary choice | ✓ | ✓ | ✗ | ✗ | |
| Enhanced trade auto. | ✓ | ✗ | ✗ | ✗ | |
*Overseas Departments & Regions of France; New Caledonia; Overseas Collectivity. ✓ = Yes ✗ = No
Why costs stay high
Three structural constraints explain much of the problem.
The first is scale. Small markets cannot support the same depth of competition as large ones. Some concentration may be unavoidable, but concentration can also become entrenched if rules, licensing or procurement make it too hard for new firms to enter.
The second is distance. Shipping delays, limited freight capacity and weak redundancy in supply chains all raise the cost of doing business. When disruption hits, there are often fewer alternatives.
The third is land. Scarcity pushes up housing costs, limits warehousing and makes it harder to expand retail or logistics capacity when bottlenecks appear.
These constraints do not make policymakers powerless, but they do mean governments need to focus on the right levers. In many overseas jurisdictions, affordability is not mainly a story of excess retail margins. It is a story of tight supply, weak contestability and upstream friction. If land is hard to develop, if import arrangements are exclusive, if licensing is slow, or if port capacity is constrained, prices will stay high no matter how much attention is paid to the final price on the shelf.
Prosperity is not the same as affordability
A comparison between French- and British-linked overseas jurisdictions points in the same direction. The lesson is not that one constitutional model is simply better than the other. It is that institutions, policy agility and market design can materially shape outcomes, especially in very small jurisdictions.
Some UK-linked jurisdictions appear to have used greater local flexibility to build specialised, higher-income economies. But that does not mean they have solved affordability. Even rich island jurisdictions often struggle with housing and essential costs. Prosperity does not automatically make life cheaper.
What contributes towards economic success?
People
How big is the population and workforce?
Capabilities
How skilled and educated is the workforce?
Capital
How much do we invest in equipment and infrastructure?
Efficiency
How effectively are people and capital combined?
Regulation
How do we set rules on entry, prices, competition?
Investment
Where, and how much, do we invest in infrastructure?
Training
How do we support people gain employment?
Resilience
How do we prepare for shocks / climate vulnerabilities?
Jobs
Are there enough businesses and jobs for people?
Choices
Do people have options for key goods and services?
Incomes
Are incomes high enough to lift living standards?
Costs
Can households keep up with the cost of living?
That matters because headline GDP can conceal real pressure on households. A jurisdiction may look successful on paper and still be painfully expensive for residents. In small island economies, the cost of living is not just a consumer issue, it is a structural one. Housing supply, land use, freight capacity, labour shortages and upstream concentration often matter more than the sticker price in a shop window.
Preliminary: Jurisdiction Scorecard Across 24 Metrics
| Type (%) | British | French | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Crown Depen. | Overseas Terr. | DROM | COM & NC | Ovr. | |
| Building Blocks | 59 | 55 | 51 | 43 | 52 |
| Policy Choices | 79 | 57 | 50 | 39 | 56 |
| People Outcomes | 71 | 72 | 49 | 58 | 63 |
| Avg. | 70 | 61 | 50 | 47 | 57 |
Preliminary: Top Performing French & British Jurisdictions
| Type (%) | Building | Policy | People | Overall | vs. Avg. |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jersey | 65 | 89 | 69 | 74 | +17% |
| Réunion | 63 | 48 | 45 | 52 | -5 |
*Scores combine 24 indicators across economic fundamentals, market institutions and outcomes, including skills, participation, connectivity, regulation, productivity and affordability.
What regulation should do
First, it should make entry easier and supply more responsive. That means faster licensing, better planning systems, clearer rules and fewer avoidable bottlenecks in transport and logistics.
Second, it should improve how markets function by increasing transparency, reducing switching frictions and enforcing competition rules credibly.
Only after that should policymakers look to direct price or margin controls, and even then with care. If supply cannot respond, price controls can suppress investment and make shortages worse.
The import pipeline deserves particular attention. In overseas jurisdictions, affordability is often shaped upstream, long before goods reach consumers. Exclusive import arrangements, concentrated wholesale networks, freight limits and zoning restrictions can all raise prices. If the policy goal is to make life more affordable, regulators need the authority and the data to examine those parts of the market, not just the final retail stage.
Better regulation, not simply more regulation
The wider lesson is simple. Good regulation in small markets is clear, quick, proportionate and enforced fairly. It gives investors confidence, lowers unnecessary barriers and helps scarce land, labour and capital move to better uses. Bad regulation does the opposite. It adds friction without adding capacity. It protects incumbents without improving service. It tries to cap visible prices without dealing with the supply problems underneath them.
Evidence from the analysis of Building Blocks, Policy Choices, and People Outcomes suggest that...
Good regulation is not about more or less. It's about better regulation, that is:
- Clear,
- Predictable,
- and designed for local conditions.
Overseas jurisdictions cannot change their geography. They can, however, change how their markets work. That is why regulation matters so much. The best approach is not more rules for their own sake, nor hostility to regulation. It is better regulation: rules that expand supply, support competition and reflect the realities of island economies. In places where the margin for error is small, that can make a meaningful difference to the cost of living.